Thursday, June 06, 2013

EPA proposes, industry disposes

Why its environmental proposals have failed to pass muster

The Environmental Protection Agency’s (EPA) deadline of April 13, putting a ceiling on greenhouse gas emissions on new factories, has fallen flat on its face. As a result, it has been forced to extend the deadline. The emission target was set by the EPA a year back to limit the release of CO2 per unit megawatt hour of electricity for new factories to 1,000 pounds. But the target makes life difficult for factories, especially coal plants, which on an average emit about 1,768 pounds of CO2. Given this reality, it's not surprising that the EPA directive has prompted over two million outraged comments, forcing it to extend the deadline and ponder on the validity of the imposed targets.

This is not the first time that the EPA has been constrained to stretch its deadline. Even before, complainants have moved court, putting the brakes on EPA's plans. Most of these legal manoeuvres have been prompted by economic reasons. But to say that the impasse was created only because of stakeholders wanting to protect their financial interests would be stretching things a bit too far.

Of course the EPA move would affect the economy negatively, at least in the short run. But it also goes to show that policy wonks haven’t got their maths worked out prudently. The EPA model for Tier 3 improvements doesn’t factor in, according to the Environ International Corp, any health betterment for the people. On the contrary, as per the American Petroleum Institute, the gasoline price will be hiked by 6-9 cents per gallon. And that’s an indirect cost on top of the $10 billion direct capital outlay. Clearly, the internally made model of EPA is flawed to its roots. It neither provides a solution to human health improvements nor does it help in mending the economic frailties as they exist.


Source : IIPM Editorial, 2013.
An Initiative of IIPM, Malay Chaudhuri
For More IIPM Info, Visit below mentioned IIPM articles

Tuesday, June 04, 2013

His madam's voice

Attacks by Trinamool leaders on institutions are prompted by Mamata Bannerjee

Attacks by Trinamool Congress leaders on rivals and institutions in West Bengal has more to do with the diktats issued by Chief Minister and party supremo Mamata Bannerjee than any criticism of Marxist regimentation.

Naturally then, when the ebullient all India general secretary of the party Mukul Roy took head on the State Election Commission (SEC) and launched a vicious personal campaign against the State Election Commissioner Meera Pandey, going to the extent of describing her as the stooge of CPI (M), it became crystal clear that he was merely doing his leader’s bidding.

The Bengal Chief Minister can go to any extent to attack and malign her political adversaries, as was evident during her war of attrition with the Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and the UPA government. Following in the foot steps of his supreme leader, Roy used choicest invectives against Pandey, a fact which irked even Governor M K Narayanan to make a point: ``All I have to say is that such intolerant utterances about somebody who is carrying out constitutional responsibility is unfortunate.” Attributing motives to SEC’s refusal to hold panchayat elections on a single day as suggested by Mamata and hher team, Roy remarked “ I have a strong feeling that a conspiracy is under way to delay the election in order to keep  the CPI(M) happy. I think there is an understanding with the CPI(M)”. But that was not the worst; he added for good measure that ``she was seen in company of some senior CPI(M) leaders”.

Senior bureaucrats have not taken these jibes and allegations lightly. They are waiting for the right moment to hit back. They say their rulers have developed a habit of attacking and insulting officers to cover up for their own failures. State Election Commissioner Pande is known for sticking to rules. In the past, she has even antagonized senior Left Front ministers but the political leadership always appreciated her sound bureaucratic approach and allowed her to function.

Mamata in fact favoured holding panchayat elections in December this year in a single phase. The time was important for her as she did not want intra-party feuds to dominate electoral proceedings. But the major problem against holding elections then was revision of electoral rolls and completion of delimitation of the wards. It is said that at least 10 lakh new young voters have been enrolled. In addition to the present incumbents, officer bearers of the panchayats would continue to be in office till May 30, 2014. Obviously there was little that the new representatives would have done if the elections were held in December. Later the government suggested a two-phase poll. But in view of the high stakes and sensitivity of the elections, Pande preferred not to take a chance and suggested a three-phase poll.

A closer look will reveal that irrespective of whatever Roy has been saying, the fact is that Mamata has made it an ego issue. She has come to brook no challenges to her decisions. Pande by sticking to her stand, therefore, is guilty of opposing the chief minister. The SEC intends to hold the elections in April, 2014, so that the new members would be ready to take charge after May 30 and it makes sense.

It is worth recalling that the same Mukul Roy addressing Trinmool workers on December 1 last year had said that panchayat elections will be held in April-May and asked all party members to sink their differences and work unitedly. He should be able to answer what significant changes had taken place since then to necessitate a change in his party’s and the state government’s stand.

West Bengal Panchayati Raj Institutions have altered the face of the state. There has been all round development in the quality of life for the rural population. The villages now have an institution which has transformed their standard of living to a higher level than under the present Left Front regime.


Source : IIPM Editorial, 2013.
An Initiative of IIPM, Malay Chaudhuri
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Monday, June 03, 2013

Shrinking hemlines

A slashed defence budget will further hit the Indian Army's modernisation programme. Mayank Singh reports

The Indian Army is calling it blue murder. Why? Due to lack of sufficient government initiative, their most important weapons systems are fast depleting. Operational capabilities are being hit. The military top brass says the time for lip service to defence preparedness is over; the need is to take the arms modernisation programme to another level. The question is, will it happen? 

Insiders say the basic military hardware required for any warfare - artillery guns, air defence guns and missiles, light helicopters, night fighting capabilities and strike capability in high altitude – are fast running out, if they are not already gone. Among a plethora of other reasons, this slack defence preparedness is due to faulty defence budgetary allocation. Although the finance minister hiked the defence budget by 5.3 percent to Rs 2,03,672.1 crore (US$ 37.4 billion), there are wheels within wheels. The 2013-14 defence budget is pegged at Rs 1,93,407.29 crore but faces the twin threats of high inflation and an adverse rupee-dollar exchange rate. Military insiders say it will make even the current level of preparedness difficult to maintain.

Modernisation is a continuous process; no military in the world can boast a permanent state-of-the-art weapons system, From time to time, given the high level of Research and Design (R&D), arms are bound to become obsolete. It calls for a cautiously drawn mixture of state-of-the-art, obsolescence and obsolete weapons and systems.

What is the composition? Explains an Indian Army officer dealing with planning and modernisation issues, "Around 15 to 20 percent is state-of-the-art, about 60 percent falls in the obsolescence list, still in use and not yet obsolete, and around 15 to 20 percent comes under the obsolete category.” But alarm bells are ringing as most of the arms and equipment are approaching their limits. The only thing that can help is money or indigenisation, both of which are not evident anywhere on the horizon.

As early as May 2012, the Ministry of Finance mandated a 10 percent cut in all non-plan expenditure excluding subsidies, interest payments, salaries, etc. It is important to remember that all defence expenditure comes under non-Plan expenditure. This has resulted in a nominal reduction in defence revenue expenditure but the reduction in defence capital expenditure has been substantial, amounting to Rs 10,000 crore which caters for modernisation and procurement.

It appears as if austerity is meant primarily for the Ministry of Defence (MoD). Of particular concern to the army is the further decline of the share of the defence budget in GDP, which is now the lowest since the past five decades since 1961-62, a throw back to the Indo-China border conflict, when it was only 1.66 percent. It is 1.79 percent of the current GDP which was 1.90 in 2012-13. Naturally, the army will have to take the burden of this reduction.

The army with an approximate budget of Rs 99,707.8 crore,  accounts for 49 percent of the defence budget followed by the Indian Air Force (Rs 57,502.9 crore) and Indian Navy (Rs 36,343.5 crore). Although, the navy’s share has decreased the most by 1.4 percentage points, the army’s share has declined by 1.3 percent.

Last year, the army with an approximate budget of Rs 97,302.54 crore accounted for 50 percent of the defence budget which was down by one percent; out of this the modernisation budget of the military had declined by three percent to Rs 13,804.02 crore.

This year, in 2013-14, the air force is the only service which has increased its share in the total defence allocation from 24.9 percent to 28.2 percent. According to MoD officials, the reduction in defence capital expenditure was arbitrarily taken by the Ministry of Finance.

But the problem is not confined only to allocation of funds. Laxman Kumar Behera, Research Fellow at Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (IDSA), says that in the past few years, the MoD has not been able to utilise a large sum of money, particularly in the capital acquisition segment of the budget which is also the main source of the modernization plans. Between 2002-03 and 2011-12, the underutilised money touched a staggering Rs 35,500 crore mark.

There are still no accurate estimates of how these reductions and under utilisation in defence expenditure will finally impact the defence acquisition and modernisation programme. The reality on indigenous defence production does not make for pretty reading. Ordinance factories are taking years to assimilate even those expensive technologies which India is buying from other countries under various transfer of technology agreements. As far as the budget allocated for R&D is concerned, the less said the better – at the moment it remains pure lip service.

Says Behera, an expert on defence budgeting, "The focus on indigenisation has become a lip service as the budget shows. This is evident from the utilisation and allocation of resources for the ‘Make’ projects under which domestic industry, particularly private sector, is required to design and produce advanced platforms for the armed forces. Of the total allocation of Rs 89.2 crore made in 2012-13, not a single rupee was utilised. Now, the allocation has been slashed to a mere Rs 10 crore in the new budget.”

India's position becomes particularly precarious when contrasted with the defence modernisation programmes of its powerful neighbour. China, the world's largest growing economic and military power, has been modernising at a rapid pace for over a decade, backed by a double-digit annual hike in its defence budget. At $ 115.70 billion, China’s official defence budget for 2013-14 is 10.7 percent more than the previous year and it is over three times India’s planned defence expenditure.


Source : IIPM Editorial, 2013.
An Initiative of IIPM, Malay Chaudhuri
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Saturday, June 01, 2013

Alagiri alone

The elder brother has lost decisively to younger brother Stalin. Appanasamy analyzes the agony of Alagiri.

M.K Alagiri, the elder son of DMK patriarch M. Karunanidhi, appears lonely, desolate and shocked. If he had read up a bit of Indian history, he would have still been lonely and desolate, but not shocked. More than 300 years before Christ was born, the younger son of King Bindusara vanquished all his elder brothers and became Emperor Ashoka. More than two hundred years before Bahadur Shah Zaffar was exiled in Burma ending the Mughal dynasty in India, one of his more famous predecessors Aurangzeb had usurped the throne from his elder brother Dara Shikoh. Even in modern dynasties, Alagiri would have found similar examples. In the 1970s, when Indira Gandhi was giving the final touches to the Establishment of the Gandhi dynasty in the country, she chose the younger son Sanjay Gandhi to inherit the mantle and the throne. Mercifully, there was no fratricidal battle here as the elder son Rajiv Gandhi had absolutely no interest in anything except flying planes. It is only the inexplicable cruelty of destiny and history that made Rajiv the ruler of India.

Alagiri seems to have lost decisively to his younger brother M.K Stalin in the race for leading the DMK after Karunanidhi. The final nail in the proverbial coffin seemed to to be hammered on March 30 when Stalin chose Madurai, the so-called stronghold of Alagiri, to celebrate his birthday and his anointment as the successor. Barring a few die hard loyalists, Alagiri helplessly watched enthusiastic DMK cadres desert his camp with gusto and embrace Stalin as the new leader. Well before this very public humiliation and sidelining of Alagiri in Madurai, the patriarch Karunanidhi had made it crystal clear to DMK cadres that Stalin would lead the battle against arch rival J. Jayalalitha, the current Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu. Just in case, Alagiri still nurses some illusions, the DMK has served show cause notices to a few loyal supporters of the elder son for anti-party activities. Their crime? They ostensibly boycotted the March 30th birthday celebrations of Stalin in Madurai as a gesture of support for Alagiri. The rest seem to have got the message loud and clear and have fallen in line.

According to reliable sources in Chennai, Alagiri tried the twin tactics of a virtual and veiled revolt and an emotional appeal to his father. Both seem to have failed. When DMK was deliberating the withdrawal of support to the UPA government over the Sri Lankan Tamil issue, Alagiri seemed to be the sole voice of dissent insisting on continuing the frayed alliance. But to Stalin and the patriarch Karunanidhi, the message from grassroots cadres was unmistakable: it was imperative for the DMK to sever all ties with the Congress for its own political survival. Once the decision to withdraw from the UPA was announced, other ministers belonging to the DMK promptly resigned. Alagiri refused and sent in his resignation separately two days later, after holding meetings with Union Finance Minister P. Chidambaram. Clearly, that angered his father Karunanidhi even more. Sensing the collapse of his revolt, Alagiri flew down to Chennai and apparently had an emotional meeting with his father. According to sources, Alagiri complained that he was hurt because he was in charge of the southern flank of the party and was not even consulted when the decision to withdraw support to the UPA was taken. Apparently, Karunanidhi bluntly told his son that he never took interest in party affairs and hence  had no right to complain. Karunanidhi seems to have added sarcastically that visiting Chennai and meeting his mother does not constitute party activities.

For seasoned observers of Tamil Nadu politics, the recent speculation over who will inherit the mantle from Karunanidhi seems to be pointless. According to them, the inheritor was decided way back in the Emergency during the 1970s when Stalin led youth DMK cadres against the Indira regime. Stalin was jailed and tortured. Alagiri apparently stayed away from politics at that crucial juncture. Subsequently, Stalin served as a Mayor of Chennai and kept in touch with grassroots party workers at all levels. Even during 2001, when Jayalalitha, after storming back to power had ordered the arrest of Karunanidhi, it was Stalin who faced her wrath rather than Alagiri. According to party insiders, Karunanidhi seems to have noticed how Stalin has always been prepared to go to jail and face troubles as it is considered part and parcel of political life. In contrast, Alagiri prefers to avoid all that. They cite the example of, how Durai, Alagiri's son sent absconding and evaded arrest for more than a 100 days when he was accused of illegal granite mining. DMK sources say Karunanidhi was not happy with it as it created a perception that family members of the DMK had so much earnings that they needed to hide it. The party is very sensitive on this issue after Karunanidhi's daughter Kanimozhi had to spend a long time in Tihar jail in the 2G scam case.

DMK insiders say that Karunanidhi was incensed when he heard reports about his elder son hobnobbing with the likes of P Chidambaram. The DMK still nurses a deep sense of betrayal over the manner in which A Raja and Kanimozhi were treated by the Congress. More important,  DMK leaders know that Congress big shots like Chidambaram are worried because they have virtually no chance of winning Lok Sabha seats without an alliance with either DMK or AIADMK. Given this backdrop, DMK leaders think that Alagiri was allowing himself to be used by the Congress.


Source : IIPM Editorial, 2013.
An Initiative of IIPM, Malay Chaudhuri
For More IIPM Info, Visit below mentioned IIPM articles