EU must ensure quick accession of Western Balkan nations for its own interests
Kosovo’s declaration of independence has put stability in the Western
Balkans back on EU’s agenda. Unless EU acts quickly, the whole region could slide backwards, with dire social, economic & security consequences. The EU needs a comprehensive regional approach, focusing on the remaining steps that would lead each country towards membership.
The Western Balkans - a term used only since 1999 - comprises Albania, Bosnia & Herzegovina, Croatia, Macedonia (FYROM), Montenegro, Serbia & Kosovo, with a combined population of roughly 22 million. Economic developments are promising, with almost all these economies posting high growth fueled by increasing industrial output and exports. Inward investment is steadily rising; business seems to believe that the remaining political & security challenges – the possible negative effects of post-independence Kosovo & Bosnia’s malaise – will be overcome sooner rather than later.
Much work has already been done. The EU-led Stability Pact for South Eastern Europe has, since 1999, successfully stimulated regional cross-border cooperation, for the first time since breakdown of Yugoslavia. Energy, transport infrastructure – roads, railways, & waterways – and crime prevention have benefited. This pact has now re-emerged as the Sarajevo-based Regional Cooperation Council to develop regional & multilateral standards for members. The recently revived Central European Free Trade Agreement (CEFTA) is meant to be the main regional engine for trade and business generally, and will adhere both to WTO rules and the parties’ obligations towards EU. Similarly, the South-East European Cooperation Process is one of the relatively new regional organizations that contribute to candidate & potential candidate countries’ preparations for EU membership. But these bodies must not be seen as substitutes for the far more comprehensive accession process, which only EU can initiate. Certainly, the pace of candidate countries’ approach to EU depends on the speed of their reforms.
And Europe, with the vital support of US, worked hard to stop the carnage of the 1990’s and subsequently to help rebuild the Balkan countries. But EU has so far failed to prepare the Western Balkans for accession, in line with its leaders’ promise at their Thessaloniki summit in 2003. That promise was not a matter of charity; the Balkans would add value to the EU. To be sure, the EU’s lengthy internal crisis over the proposed constitution was a major distraction, and damaged its reputation. Let’s hope the new Reform Treaty will help pave the way for a new, more robust phase of integration.
If not, one would have to ask what happened to the European spirit of the 1970’s and 1980’s, when countries such as Greece, Portugal, and Spain, which had just emerged from dictatorship and civil unrest, were welcomed into their fold. Political decisions taken then were relatively riskier, and the Greek and Iberian success stories justified that courage. What about today? The most recent EU members, Bulgaria and Romania, are both in the Balkans & both are countries with special needs. While the EU at first took their accession negotiations a bit too casually, it subsequently continued monitoring them even after accession to ensure that they develop effective administrative and judicial systems as required.
The EU must learn from this experience to develop an accession strategy for the Western Balkans. Their special needs should be taken into account in any new EU approach. A reinvigorated accession process would contribute to the EU’s consolidation, both territorially & politically, & strengthen its role in its wider neighborhood – the Mediterranean, the Middle East & around the Black Sea.
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Source : IIPM Editorial, 2008
Kosovo’s declaration of independence has put stability in the Western
Balkans back on EU’s agenda. Unless EU acts quickly, the whole region could slide backwards, with dire social, economic & security consequences. The EU needs a comprehensive regional approach, focusing on the remaining steps that would lead each country towards membership.The Western Balkans - a term used only since 1999 - comprises Albania, Bosnia & Herzegovina, Croatia, Macedonia (FYROM), Montenegro, Serbia & Kosovo, with a combined population of roughly 22 million. Economic developments are promising, with almost all these economies posting high growth fueled by increasing industrial output and exports. Inward investment is steadily rising; business seems to believe that the remaining political & security challenges – the possible negative effects of post-independence Kosovo & Bosnia’s malaise – will be overcome sooner rather than later.
Much work has already been done. The EU-led Stability Pact for South Eastern Europe has, since 1999, successfully stimulated regional cross-border cooperation, for the first time since breakdown of Yugoslavia. Energy, transport infrastructure – roads, railways, & waterways – and crime prevention have benefited. This pact has now re-emerged as the Sarajevo-based Regional Cooperation Council to develop regional & multilateral standards for members. The recently revived Central European Free Trade Agreement (CEFTA) is meant to be the main regional engine for trade and business generally, and will adhere both to WTO rules and the parties’ obligations towards EU. Similarly, the South-East European Cooperation Process is one of the relatively new regional organizations that contribute to candidate & potential candidate countries’ preparations for EU membership. But these bodies must not be seen as substitutes for the far more comprehensive accession process, which only EU can initiate. Certainly, the pace of candidate countries’ approach to EU depends on the speed of their reforms.
And Europe, with the vital support of US, worked hard to stop the carnage of the 1990’s and subsequently to help rebuild the Balkan countries. But EU has so far failed to prepare the Western Balkans for accession, in line with its leaders’ promise at their Thessaloniki summit in 2003. That promise was not a matter of charity; the Balkans would add value to the EU. To be sure, the EU’s lengthy internal crisis over the proposed constitution was a major distraction, and damaged its reputation. Let’s hope the new Reform Treaty will help pave the way for a new, more robust phase of integration.
If not, one would have to ask what happened to the European spirit of the 1970’s and 1980’s, when countries such as Greece, Portugal, and Spain, which had just emerged from dictatorship and civil unrest, were welcomed into their fold. Political decisions taken then were relatively riskier, and the Greek and Iberian success stories justified that courage. What about today? The most recent EU members, Bulgaria and Romania, are both in the Balkans & both are countries with special needs. While the EU at first took their accession negotiations a bit too casually, it subsequently continued monitoring them even after accession to ensure that they develop effective administrative and judicial systems as required.
The EU must learn from this experience to develop an accession strategy for the Western Balkans. Their special needs should be taken into account in any new EU approach. A reinvigorated accession process would contribute to the EU’s consolidation, both territorially & politically, & strengthen its role in its wider neighborhood – the Mediterranean, the Middle East & around the Black Sea.
For Complete IIPM Article, Click on IIPM Article
Source : IIPM Editorial, 2008
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